Pipa Qingfei Yin Ameliorates Acne Inflammation in Mice via Suppressing Neutrophil Extracellular Traps.

Increasing life expectancy and better overall health make it feasible and necessary to extend working lives []. This shift implies both challenges and benefits. While aging is associated with declines in certain cognitive functions [], a review of emotional competencies in work and organizational contexts found that older workers generally function similarly to, or slightly better than, younger workers across most emotional domains, including emotional control, emotion-regulation knowledge, understanding others’ emotions, and some aspects of regulating one’s own emotions. However, evidence for age-related differences in specific emotion-regulatory processes and strategies remains limited and mixed []. Some research further suggests that age-related differences in emotional experience after a day of work may operate indirectly through differences in the use of emotion-regulatory strategies rather than through direct age differences in emotional experience itself []. Such patterns may have implications for work roles involving emotion regulation at work. Some research has claimed that older workers may be more vulnerable to situations that elicit emotional arousal, due to age-related decreases in physiological flexibility []. However, existing research has typically examined emotional work demands, emotion-regulatory strategies, and their age-related differences in isolation, limiting understanding of how age may influence their associations with health and work outcomes. To address this gap, the present review critically examines how age is related to both emotion-regulatory strategies and emotional work demands, in relation to health and work outcomes. Hochschild [] described emotional labour as the effort to manage emotional expressions to meet job-related display rules through surface or deep acting. Surface acting involves displaying emotions that do not match one’s internal experience, while deep acting refers to the regulation of internal emotional experience, whereby individuals attempt to induce or reshape felt emotions so that their outward expression becomes authentic. Emotional labour is therefore typically conceptualized as regulation directed toward fulfilling external display rules, often in customer- or client interactions. In contrast, emotion regulation more broadly refers to “the processes by which individuals influence which emotions they have, when they have them, and how they experience and express” [, p. 275] them. These processes may be automatic or controlled and may occur in response to internal goals or external situational demands. Gross’s [] process model distinguishes between antecedent-focused strategies (e.g., reappraisal) and response-focused strategies (e.g., suppression). Grandey [] integrated these perspectives by conceptualizing emotional labour as a specific form of emotion regulation enacted in the workplace. In this framework, deep acting corresponds to antecedent-focused regulation (e.g., reappraisal), whereas surface acting corresponds to response-focused regulation (e.g., suppression). In the present review, we include studies examining both display-rule-driven emotional labour and more general forms of emotion regulation at work, as both concern the management of emotional experience or expression in occupational contexts, albeit enacted for potentially different purposes. We use the term emotion-regulatory strategies as an umbrella term encompassing these related but conceptually distinct processes. This distinction is important for the present review, as studies differ in whether they examine regulation driven by organizational display rules or more general forms of emotion regulation, which may influence how age-related differences in emotional processes and their associations with health and work outcomes are conceptualized and interpreted. Broader coping constructs are not included as standalone categories, as they typically reflect general stress-management processes beyond emotion-regulatory strategies. However, coping strategies are included when they conceptually overlap with emotion-regulatory strategies (e.g., cognitive reappraisal). The original definition of emotional labour by Hochschild [] included both the management of feelings (through surface and deep acting) and the organizationally prescribed display rules that necessitate such management. Specifically, a job-focused perspective conceptualizes emotional labour as the emotional work demands and display rules inherent in a role, whereas an employee-focused perspective defines it as the individual process of regulating emotions and emotional expressions in response to those demands []. A separation between emotional work demands and emotion-regulatory processes makes it possible to apply a general stress perspective on emotional work, distinguishing between demands as exposure to stressors and regulatory processes as potential mechanisms linking demands to health and work outcomes. This separation