Differentiation under pressure: psychological pathways and latent profiles of GenAI dependence among graduate students.

The first 1,000 days of life, from pregnancy to a child’s second birthday, constitute a unique biological window during which nutritional provision profoundly “programs” an individual’s physiological functions, cognitive development, and long-term health. Consequently, nutritional status during this critical period directly determines an individual’s developmental potential and ultimately translates into the core engine for a nation’s human capital and sustainable development (). However, the global burden of malnutrition is not evenly distributed; it is deeply rooted in complex socioeconomic and cultural contexts. From the perspective of the core public health concept of the Social Determinants of Health (SDH), an individual’s health status is determined not only by biological characteristics or personal choices but is more significantly shaped by the environments in which they live, grow, work, and age. These environments are formed by a combination of structural factors (such as income, education, gender, ethnicity, and socioeconomic policies) and intermediary factors (such as housing, food security, social support networks, and cultural norms). The SDH framework emphasizes that health inequalities stem from the uneven distribution of social resources and must be addressed through intersectoral collaboration and equitable policy interventions to promote better nutritional status and overall health equity (). Within this framework, “Health Equity” is the pursuit of eliminating health disparities caused by social status, ethnicity, or other disadvantaged circumstances, ensuring that everyone has a fair and just opportunity to attain their full health potential (). Therefore, the health status of vulnerable groups, such as ethnic minorities, and particularly the nutritional status of their infants and young children, not only reflects their own well-being but also serves as a critical indicator for measuring the inclusivity and effectiveness of a public health system. Health issues like malnutrition often stem from deep-seated socioeconomic inequalities and urgently require targeted policy interventions to be addressed. Malnutrition during infancy and early childhood leads to a range of severe and potentially irreversible long-term consequences. Stunting, characterized by impaired linear growth, is not only a physical marker but is also closely associated with impaired cognitive function, reduced learning capacity, delayed school enrollment, and lower labor productivity in adulthood (). Furthermore, nutritional deficiencies in early life, through the mechanism of “metabolic reprogramming,” significantly increase the risk of chronic non-communicable diseases such as obesity, diabetes, and cardiovascular disease in later life, creating a “life-cycle trap” of poor health (). In China, the nutritional status of children has improved significantly in recent years, with the national stunting rate decreasing from 7.4% in 2012 to 4.7% in 2019 (). However, in certain rural and ethnic minority regions, malnutrition remains a severe challenge. For example, research indicates that the prevalence rates of stunting and anemia among Tibetan infants and young children in areas like Qinghai are far higher than the national average; the anemia rate for children aged 6–23 months in Qinghai is as high as 59.1% (). These health challenges not only threaten children’s immediate development and long-term well-being but also constitute a significant public health barrier to improving the region’s human capital and achieving sustainable development by impairing cognitive development and future labor productivity. Regarding the unique traditional feeding practices for Tibetan infants and young children, existing research has described their specific patterns. Studies reveal a widespread practice in the region: the premature introduction of complementary foods, particularly simple traditional staple-based foods or preparations such as tsampa/zanba, alongside the insufficient intake of protein- and micronutrient-rich animal-source foods, such as eggs and meat. In the reviewed literature, these early complementary foods were generally described by food type rather than detailed recipe composition; available evidence suggests that they were often simple, cereal-based preparations rather than diverse mixed dishes containing multiple food groups. In this manuscript, “traditional staple-based complementary foods” refers specifically to culturally customary foods or preparations used as complementary foods during infancy, especially staple-based items such as tsampa/zanba paste, porridge, pag, or tsamtuk. It does not refer to all foods provided during the complementary feeding period. Traditional liquid or dairy feeds, such as yak milk and butter tea/bocha, are discussed separately because they may function more as liquid feeds or breast-milk/formula substitutes than as staple complementary foods. These inadequate dietary patterns are close