Clinician validation of the Medicare measure for potentially avoidable hospital visits after chemotherapies.
Authors: Hong AS, Dang MD, Merrill V, Anderson K, Yuan L, Joseph I, Charania S, Lin G, Taylor LL, Bazzell AF, Narayan A, Chaudhary UN, Bhat S, De La Porte C, Effiom N, Gomez K, Pilla P, Courtney DM, Sadeghi N, Halm EA
Journal: Journal of the National Cancer Institute
mental health
psychology
open access
Abstract
Within clinical psychology, holding an intersectional lens is essential to understanding an individual's unique experiences and their multiple, intersecting identities (Tang et al., ). Kelly et al. () explain that intersectionality understands that individual social categorisations such as race and religion overlap and intersect, reflecting forms of oppression and privilege. Intersectionality can be used as an analytic tool to challenge such social inequalities within these systems of oppression and privilege (Grzanka et al., ). Anwar () further explains that intersectional theory accounts for individuals facing multiple sources of oppression and being aware of this when working psychologically is crucial in supporting someone's mental wellbeing. Rosenthal () suggests that one way to address intersectionality within psychology is through collaboration with all communities to work together and build partnerships. When considering intersectionality within immigrant and minoritised communities, acculturative experiences and their impact on mental health can be investigated. Acculturation refers to the changes that occur when individuals interact with people, groups or social influences that are dissimilar to their own (Gibson, ). Acculturation is known to encompass the changes in all groups following intercultural contact (Kunst, ). It is important to recognise its impact within multicultural societies, as acculturative experiences involve a reciprocal exchange of different cultural groups (Schwartz et al., ). Exploring acculturation can involve learning about the values and beliefs of immigrant families, including behaviours that affect health (Unger et al., ). Berry () has stated that acculturation is one of the most researched concepts in immigration literature, recognised as one of the strongest contributors to understanding psychological states. This may be due to acculturative stress, a term introduced by Berry () as an alternative to ‘culture shock’. Sirin et al. () conducted a longitudinal study involving 337 immigrant adolescents from America and found that acculturative stress was a significant risk factor for mental health difficulties. This stress increased vulnerability to psychological challenges, highlighting the need for appropriate psychological support (Sirin et al., ). Furthermore, Cavdar et al. () conducted acculturative research in a sample of 220 Turkish adolescents in England and found that those with stronger levels of ethnic identity were less likely to assimilate to the British society, leading to better reported levels of mental health. Cavdar et al.'s () findings demonstrate the links between acculturative assimilation, ethnic identity and mental health. When thinking about theoretical models of acculturation, we can look to Schwartz et al.'s () Multidimensionality of Acculturation (Figure ). This model understands acculturation as a complex phenomenon, which involves a dynamic process where individuals must negotiate their practices, values and identifications between their origin culture and the culture of the country they are residing in. They explain that these three domains can shift independently and at different times, providing a fluid understanding of acculturative experiences. The multidimensional lens within this model distinguishes that acculturative experiences can be shaped by wider sociocultural factors, such as community, discrimination and intergenerational differences. Due to this, Schwartz et al.'s () model will be used to understand acculturation within this research.